奥巴马传奇演讲A More Perfect Union一个更完美的城邦中英对译由刀豆文库小编整理，希望给你工作、学习、生活带来方便，猜你可能喜欢“奥巴马传奇演讲分析”。
A More Perfect Union Remarks of Senator Barack Obama Philadelphia, PA | March 18, 2008 为了更完美的联邦
巴拉克〃奥巴马2008年3月18日在美国宾夕法尼亚州费城的演讲 海星 译
“We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.” “我们[美利坚合众国的]人民，为缔造一个更完美的联邦。”
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands acro the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America's improbable experiment in democracy.Farmers and scholars;statesmen and patriots who had traveled acro an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.221年前，一群人聚集在至今仍屹立在这条街上的市政厅里，用上述这样简洁的言语，发起了美利坚不可思议的民主实验。农场主和学者，政治家与爱国者们为逃脱政治专制和宗教迫害，横渡大洋，最终在费城会议上发表了他们的独立宣言。——这一会议一直延续了1787年的春天。
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished.It was stained by this nation's original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.他们讨论出的文件得以签署通过但尚未最终完成。它因这个国家的奴隶制原罪而劣迹斑斑，这一问题分裂着殖民地的定居者们，使得费城会议陷入僵局，最后建国者们决定同意奴隶贸易再继续开展至少二十年，而将这一问题留待子孙后代去解决。
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitutionthrough protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great riskto continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America.I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unle we solve them togethertowards a better future for our children and our grandchildren.继续前人长久以来的、为建立一个更公正、公平、自由、更负责任且更繁荣的美国的努力，这是我们在这场总统竞选一开始就定下的任务之一。我之所以决定在这一历史关头竞选总统，是因为我坚信我们只有联合起来，才能应对我们这个时代的挑战，才能为我们的子孙后代创设一个更好的明天——只有相互理解，懂得我们也许有不同的故事，但拥有共同的愿望；懂得也许我们肤色不同，来自不同地方，但我们想要同一个梦想，才能使我们的国家更完善。
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people.But it also comes from my own American story.这一信念来自于我对正派而慷慨的美国人民坚定不移的信心。同时它也源自我自己的美国故事。
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas.I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depreion to serve in Patton's Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber aembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas.I've gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world's poorest nations.I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveownersthat out of many, we are truly one.这样的经历不会将我塑造成最保守的候选人，但它使我骨子里因一种信念而警醒：这个国家高于它的各部分的加总，高于多数群体，我们本身就是一个整体。
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this meage of unity.Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country.In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.在这场竞选的第一年里，我们意识到美国人民有多渴望团结一致的讯息，而不是相反。尽管存在透过纯粹种族主义的有色眼镜来看待我的竞选的陷阱，我们在国家那些白种人占主导的一些州却赢得了显著的胜利。在联邦星条旗（confederate flags）仍高高飘扬的南卡，我们筑就了非裔美国人和美国白人间的强有力的联盟。
This is not to say that race has not been an iue in the campaign.At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either “too black” or “not black enough.” We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary.The pre has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.这并不意味着种族在竞选中不是一个问题。在竞选的许多层面上，一些评论家不是认为我“太黑”就是认为我“不够黑”。在南卡，初选前的几周里我们看到种族内在的张力问题渐渐浮现。媒体四处搜寻每一场投票结果以作为种族对立的最新证据，这一对立不仅是在白人与黑人之间，也在黑人与拉丁族裔之间。
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discuion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.然而，也就是在最近两周里，大选中关于种族的讨论发生了明显的分裂性的转变。
On one end of the spectrum, we've heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action;that it's based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap.On the other end, we've heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to expre views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatne and the goodne of our nation;that rightly offend white and black alike.在这光谱的一端，我们听到这样的暗示，即我的参选在某种程度上是平权计划的一种实践，是那些眼界开阔的自由主义者寻求廉价的种族和解的意愿的结果。在光谱的另一端，我们听到了我以前的牧师，可敬的杰里梅尔〃怀特的煽风点火的言论。他的言论不仅会加深种族分裂，也有损我们国家的伟大与善良；他的言论不仅冒犯了白人，也得罪了黑人。对于黑人和白人同样是冒犯。
I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy.For some, nagging questions remain.Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course.Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes.Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutelya view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America;a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.但那些最近引起轩然大波的言论不止于让人匪夷所思，它们不只是一位宗教领袖试图挺身而出反对他觉察到的不公正。相反，它们反映了一种对这个国家的极度扭曲的看法——它将白人的种族歧视主义视为天经地义，将美国的弊病夸张到掩盖我们所知道的一切关于美国的美好，它将中东的冲突完全解释为我们坚定的盟国以色列的行为所致，而非源自激进的伊斯兰原教旨主义固执而充斥着仇恨的意识形态。
As such, Reverend Wright's comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity;racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problemsby housing the homele, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.但事实恰恰是，那不是我所认识的那个人。二十多年前我遇到怀特神父时他引荐我加入基督教，他对我说人们有相互友爱和照顾病弱、扶助贫贱的责任。他作为一名美国海军陆战队成员为国家服役，他在国家最好的大学和神学院里作研究和上课，他三十多年如一日主持一个教堂，为社会做着高尚的工作——收留无家可归者，照顾穷困潦倒者，提供日托服务、奖学金和监狱服务，并向艾滋病患者伸出援手。
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:
在我的第一本书《父亲的梦想》中，我描述了我在三一教堂第一年做义工的经历：
“People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend's voice up into the rafters....And in that single noteI heard something else;at the foot of that cro, inside the thousands of churches acro the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion's den, Ezekiel's field of dry bones.Those storiesbecame our story, my story;the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears;until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a veel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world.Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black;in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn't need to feel shame about...memories that all people might study and cherishthe doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger.Like other black churches, Trinity's services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor.They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear.The church contains in full the kindne and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and succees, the love and yes, the bitterne and bias that make up the black experience in America.这便是我在三一教堂的经历。同那些全国有重要影响力的黑人聚集的教堂一样，三一教堂使黑人社区——医生和领取救济的母亲、模范生和黑社会成员，连接成一个整体。跟其他黑人教堂一样，三一教堂的布道仪式总是充满沙哑的笑声，有时还夹杂色情幽默。他们总是在跳舞、鼓掌、尖叫和大喊，似乎会吓到那些不曾见识过的人。它容纳了善意和残忍、绝顶聪明和盲目无知、尚在困境中挣扎的和已经功成名就的、爱和肯定、苦难和偏见这些美国黑人所经历的一切。
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright.As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me.He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children.Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect.He contains within him the contradictionsof the community that he has served diligently for so many years.这或许有助于解释我和赖特神父的关联。尽管他可能不尽善尽美，但他如同我的亲人。他增强了我的信仰，见证了我的婚礼，并给我的孩子施洗礼。在我同他谈话时，我不止一次听到他用贬损的语言谈及那些种族团体，或是对那些与他交往的白人毕恭毕敬。他内心也满是对他长久以来孜孜不倦献身其中的共同体的或善意或恶意的矛盾。
I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community.I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmotherto simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.但种族是这个国家不容再忽视的问题。我们如果对此不屑一顾就会犯怀特神父同样的错误，那就是在他关于美利坚的布道中以简单化的、颇具成见的方式放大美国的负面，结果造成对现实的扭曲。
The fact is that the comments that have been made and the iues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we've never really worked throughwhere blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American busine owners, or black homeowners could not acce FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departmentsa problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened.And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoodsall helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.黑人经济机会的匮乏和因无力负担家庭责任而带来的羞愧和挫败感，都使黑人家庭的生活处在风雨飘摇中，——这一问题可能因多年来的福利政策而更加恶化。在众多城市黑人社区缺乏基本的服务设施，比如供孩子玩耍的公园、巡逻警、日常的垃圾车和小区保安等，都导致了长久困扰我们的暴力—衰落—漠视周而复始的发生。
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up.They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted.What's remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds;how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.这便是怀特神父和他那个时代的其他非裔美国人的成长环境。他们在20世纪50年代后期和60年代早期长大成人，那时种族隔离仍是这个国家的法律，生存机会被合法压缩。引人注目的不是他们中间有多少人因种族歧视落荒而逃，而是他们中间有很多男男女女能够跨越藩篱，绝处逢生，创造出奇迹。
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn't make itthose young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future.Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways.For the men and women of Reverend Wright's generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away;nor has the anger and the bitterne of those years.That anger may not get expreed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends.But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table.At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician's own failings.然而对所有艰难地迈向他们自己的美国梦的人而言，很多人没有成功，他们因这样或那样的原因而被种族歧视彻底打垮。这一挫败的经历又传给了他们的下一代，这些年轻男孩和正日渐增多的年轻女孩终日混迹街头，或在铁窗里受尽煎熬，没有希望和前途。即使是那些黑人中的成功人士，种族和种族歧视的问题仍然以致命的方式持续限制着他们的世界观。就怀特神父同时代成长起来的黑人男女而言，羞辱、质疑和恐惧的记忆尚为时不远；那些岁月里他们的愤怒和痛苦也同样恍然如昨。他们的愤怒也许并未在公共场合、在白人同事或朋友面前显露。但它多在在理发店或餐桌上得到释放。这种愤怒也时常为政治家们所利用，蛊惑选民结成种族阵线，或用以弥补政治家自身的败绩。
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews.The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright's sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning.That anger is not always productive;indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems;it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change.But the anger is real;it is powerful;and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.有时它也在星期天早上的教堂里、在布道坛和教堂坐席上得到释放。如此多的人听到怀特神父布道时感到镇静的事实提醒我们常常听到的一句老生常谈：美国人最为种族隔离的时候是每个星期天的早上。黑人的愤怒并不总具积极意义，它确实在大多数时候干扰了急需解决的问题，阻止我们面对我们自己其实也是目前的状况产生的原因之一的事实，阻碍了非裔美国人社区形成它所需的能带来真正的改变的联盟。但这愤怒是真实的且有巨大的能量，天真地幻想它会烟消云散，或者对其根源不加甄别就一味谴责，只能加深已有的种族间的误解鸿沟。
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community.Most working-and middle-cla white Americans don't feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race.Their experience is the immigrant experiencea corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed;a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests;economic policies that favor the few over the many.And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concernsparticularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.这便是我们现在所处的方位。它是我们深陷其中许多年的种族僵局。与那些批评我的黑人和白人评论员的观点相反，我从不曾天真到相信单凭一次竞选巡回，或单靠哪一个候选人，特别是象我这样一个自身并不完美的候选人，就能摆脱我们的种族分裂问题。
But I have aerted a firm convictionthat working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice if we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.但我持有一个坚定的信念，它植根于我对上帝和美国人民的信仰。我相信如果大家一起努力，我们能够去除我们久已存在的种族伤痛的一部分，并且如果我们想继续致力于建立一个更完美的联邦，除了团结起来我们别无选择。
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past.It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life.But it also means binding our particular grievancesto the larger aspirations of all Americans--the white woman struggling to break the gla ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family.And it means taking full responsibility for own livesand yes, conservativea country that has made it poible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black;Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old--is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past.But what we know--what we have seenthe audacity to hopeand current incidents of discrimination, while le overt than in the pastby investing in our schools and our communities;by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairne in our criminal justice system;by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations.It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams;that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.在白人社区，通向更好的联邦的路途意味着懂得折磨黑人社区的情绪不只存在于黑人的心中；种族歧视的历史和当前那些与过去相比不那么平凡的歧视事件，真实而且必须得到表达。不止是用言语，而且也要用行动来表达——通过向我们的学校和社区投资；加强我们的公民权利法案和确保刑事审判制度的公平；向这一代年轻人提供他们的先辈无法得到的机会。它要求所有的美国人都要意识到，你的梦想的实现并不以我的梦想为代价；意识到对黑人、拉丁裔族群和白人的孩子提供医疗、福利和教育最终会对美国的全面繁荣有所助益。
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing le, than what all the world's great religions demandas we did in the OJ trialor as fodder for the nightly news.We can play Reverend Wright's sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words.We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she's playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardle of his policies.在这个国家我们拥有选择。我们可以选择引发分裂、冲突和愤世嫉俗的政治。我们可以把种族问题当成情节剧，比如O.J.辛普森的审判，也可以在悲剧之后痛定思痛，比如卡特里娜飓风风之后，也可以把它作为晚间新闻的素材。我们也可以选择每天在每个电视频道播放和讨论怀特神父的布道，一直选举结束，并回答这一竞选的唯一的一个问题，即美国人民是否认为在某种程度上看我相信或同情他的许多攻击性言辞。我们可以选择希拉里的一句玩笑并认定她是打种族牌，也可以选择猜测白人在大选中是否会无视约翰〃麦凯恩的政策而团结在他的周围。
We can do that.我们可以做出那样的选择。
But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we'll be talking about some other distraction.And then another one.And then another one.And nothing will change.但如果真做出那样的选择，我敢向你保证到下次选举时，我们将会探讨其他一些转移我们视线的难题。再下一次又会换一个。再下次再换。但什么变革也不会发生。
That is one option.Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, ”Not this time.“ This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children.This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can't learn;that those kids who don't look like us are somebody else's problem.The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy.Not this time.这是一种选择。或者，我们也可以在这场选举中做出另外一种选择，我们可以团结起来并宣告“这次不做这样的选择”。这次我们想探讨一下正日渐崩溃的学校，它使黑人孩子、白人孩子、亚裔孩子、拉丁裔孩子和印第安人的孩子的未来黯淡。这次我们可以悬着拒绝那宣称这些孩子不可能学会文化知识、那些族裔的孩子是别人该关心的问题的讥讽言辞。美国的孩子不是哪个族裔的人的孩子，他们是我们的孩子，我们将不再容许他们在21世纪的经济社会中落后于他人。这次绝不再这样做。
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care;who don't have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.这次我们也可以选择探讨一下急诊室里为什么有那么多没有医疗保险的白人、黑人和西班牙裔人，他们为什么没有能力战胜华盛顿的特殊利益集团，并告诉他们只要我们同仇敌该，我们就可以对付这些利益集团。
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life.This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn't look like you might take your job;it's that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.这次我们还可以选择讨论一下那些曾向不同种族的人们提供舒适的生活的倒闭了的工厂，和那些属于信奉不同宗教、居住于不同地区、从事各行各业的美国人的正在被出售的的房屋。这次我们悬着想探讨一下这样一个事实：真正的问题不在于其他种族的人可能抢去了你的工作，而是你所工作的公司仅仅为了商业利润把就业机会输送到到了国外。
This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag.We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should've been authorized and never should've been waged, and we want to talk about how we'll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.这次我们选择探讨一下不同肤色和信仰的男男女女在爱国主义的旗臶下共赴国难、浴血奋战。我们想知道如何使他们从这场本不该批准通过并发动的战争中重返家园，我们又如何照顾他们和他们的家人，给予他们应得的救济来表达我们的爱国心。
I would not be running for President if I didn't believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country.This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected.And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this poibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generationa story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr.King's birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.今天我特别想给大家讲述一个故事。当我有幸在马丁〃路德〃金的家乡的教堂，亚特兰大的浸礼会爱波尼哲教堂举行的他的诞辰纪念日上讲话时我讲述过这个故事。
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina.She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discuion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.一个年仅23岁的年轻白人女子艾仕丽〃巴雅在南卡的佛罗伦斯组织我们的竞选团队。她从竞选一开始就在一个几乎全是非裔黑人的社区工作。有一天，她参加了一个圆桌会议，在会上每人轮流讲述他们的阅历和他们参与助选的原因。
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer.And because she had to mi days of work, she was let go and lost her health care.They had to file for bankruptcy, and that's when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.艾仕丽说她九岁那年，她的母亲得了癌症。因为母亲不得不请假看病，因此遭到解雇，丧失了医疗保险。她们不得不登记破产。从那时起，艾仕丽便下决心要做些事帮助她的母亲。
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches.Because that was the cheapest way to eat.她知道食品是她们日常最大的开销，因此告诉母亲她最喜欢并想吃的是芥菜和可口的三明治。因为这是最省钱的吃法。
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.到她母亲病情好转时，她已经这样吃了一年。在圆桌会议上，她告诉每个人她加入我们的竞选团队的原因在于，她愿帮助这个国家那些也愿意并急需帮助他们父母的许许多多的孩子。
Now Ashley might have made a different choice.Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother's problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally.But she didn't.She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.而今艾仕丽完全可以做出全然不同的选择。或许有人会跟她说她母亲面临的困难的根源在于那些享受社会福利却好吃懒做的黑人，或是那些非法涌入这个国家的南美移民。但她没有动摇。她寻求反对不公正的联盟。
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they're supporting the campaign.They all have different stories and reasons.Many bring up a specific iue.And finally they come to this elderly black man who's been sitting there quietly the entire time.And Ashley asks him why he's there.And he does not bring up a specific iue.He does not say health care or the economy.He does not say education or the war.He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama.He simply says to everyone in the room, ”I am here because of Ashley.“
艾仕丽讲完了她的故事之后就问在场的每个人为什么他们拥护这支竞选团队。他们都有各自不同的故事和原因。许多人谈到一些具体问题。最后他们将目光集中在那个一直都默默坐着不曾开口的年长的黑人男子。他不谈医疗或经济，不说教育或战争，也没说他在那里因为是巴拉克〃奥巴马在场。他只简单地对屋子里的每个人说：“我出现在这里是为了艾仕丽。”
”I'm here because of Ashley." By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough.It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the joble, or education to our children.“我在这里也是为了艾仕丽。”一位年轻的白人女子和一位年长的黑人男子在一个时间点上的相互认可当然远远不够，它尚不能使病者有所医、失业者重新找到工作，或让我们的孩子接受教育。
But it is where we start.It is where our union grows stronger.And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.但这是我们的起点，是我们的联邦开始强大的起点。并且，自221年前一群爱国者在费城签署下那部文件时起，世世代代的美国人人都意识到这就是更完美的联邦开始出现的起点。
