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The Only Thing We Have to Fear Is Fear Itself Speaker: Franklin Roosevelt, January 30, 1882-April 12, 1945, the 32nd President of the United States
Date & Place: March 4, 1933, Washington D.C., USA
Background: First Inaugural Addre with the nation in the grips of the Great Depreion.The addre is 1880 words and took 19 minutes to deliver, won 20 ovations, ranked3rd in The Top 100 American Speeches of the 20th Century.President Hoover, Mr.Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration.And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will addre them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.(Applause.)
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly.Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today.This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.(Applause.)
So, first of all, let me aert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-namele, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance.In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankne and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is eential to victory.And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.(Applause.)
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties.They concern, thank God, only material things.Values have shrunk to fantastic levels;taxes have risen;our ability to pay has fallen;government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income;the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade;the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side;farmers find no markets for their produce;and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence and an equally great number toil with little return.Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.And yet our distre comes from no failure of substance.We are stricken by no plague of locusts.Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for.Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it.Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornne and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated.Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.True, they have tried.But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an out-worn tradition.Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money.Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for re-stored confidence.They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers.They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.(Applause.)
Yes, the money changers have' fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization.We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths.(Applause.)The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.Happine lies not in the mere poeion of money;it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort.The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits.These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.(Applause.)
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of succe goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit;and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in busine which too often has given to a sacred trust the likene of callous and selfish wrong-doing.(Applause.)Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredne of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance;without them it cannot live.Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone.This Nation is asking for action, and action now.(Applause.)
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work.(Applause.)This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously.It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great--greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.(Applause.)
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities.It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing lo through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms.It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced.(Applause.)It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal.It can be helped by nation-al planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character.There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.(Applause.)We must act.We must act quickly.And finally, in our progre towards a resumption of work, we require two safe-guards against a return of the evils of the old order.There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments.(Applause.)There must be an end to speculation with other people's money.(Applause.)And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.(Applause.)
These, my friends, are the lines of attack.I shall presently urge upon a new Congre in special seion detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate aistance of the 48 States.(Applause.)
Through this program of action we addre ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo.Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and neceity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy.(Applause.)I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first.I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment;but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally--narrowly nationalistic.It is the insistence, as a first consideration, up-on the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America--a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer.It is the way to recovery.It is the immediate way.It is the strongest aurance that recovery will endure.In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others;the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.(Applause.)
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other;that we can not merely take, but we must give as well;that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progre can be made, no leadership becomes effective.We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes poible a leadership which aims at the larger good.This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.With this pledge taken, I aume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors.Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is poible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without lo of eential form.That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.It has met every stre of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations.And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us.But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require.These measures, or such other measures as the Congre may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.But, in the event that the Congre shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me.I shall ask the Congre for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.(Applause.)
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that be-fit the time.I can do no le.We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity;with the clear consciousne of seeking old and precious moral values;with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike.We aim at the aurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.We do not distrust the future of eential democracy.The people of the United States have not failed.In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action.They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership.They have made me the present instrument of their wishes.In the spirit of the gift I take it.In this dedication.In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the bleing of God.May He protect each and every one of us.May He guide me in the days to come.(Applause.)
我们唯一恐惧的就是恐惧本身
演讲者:富兰克林·罗斯福,1882.1.30—1945.4.12, 第32任美国总统
时间地点:1933年3月4日,美国首都华盛顿
演讲背景:美国处于历史上最严重的经济危机时期的首任总统就职演讲。本演讲共有1880个英文单词,用时19分钟,赢得20次掌声,在《美国20世纪经典演讲100篇》中排名第3位。胡佛总统,首席大法官先生,朋友们:
今天是我们国家神圣的日子。我的美国同胞们肯定希望我值此就职之际,对美国当前的紧迫局势发表坦率、果断的演说。(掌声)
现在的确是坦率、勇敢地讲明全部真相的时候了。我们不必畏缩,我们要敢于坦然地面对我们国家目前的现实。这个伟大的国家从磨难中走来,今后她仍能经受得住考验,重新崛起,兴旺发达。(掌声)
首先,请允许我申明我自己的坚定信念:我们唯一恐惧的,就是恐惧本身。那种不可名状、歇斯底里、毫无缘由的恐惧,会使我们为经济复苏所做的努力化为泡影。在我们国家历史上的任何困难时期,一个开诚布公、敢做敢为的领导曾得到人民的理解和强有力的支持,这是取得胜利的先决条件。我深信,危机当前,你们会再一次给领导那样的支持。(掌声)
不管是我还是你们,我们都以这种精神面对共同的困难。感谢上帝,这些困难只涉及物质方面。货币以难以想象的荒谬幅度贬值;赋税增加,支付能力下降;各级政府岁收锐减;贸易中的货币兑换手段被冻结;倒闭的企业就像残枝败叶一样随处可见;农场主生产的农产品找不到销路;千家万户多年的积蓄化为乌有;更为严重的是,大批失业者面临严峻的生存问题,另有大批辛勤劳动的在岗职工收入锐减。只有愚蠢的乐天派才会否认目前的残酷现实。
然而,我们目前的危难并非由实质失败所引起,我们没有遭受蝗灾。我们祖先之所以战胜了一切艰难险阻,就是因为他们意志坚定、无所畏惧。与他们的艰险相比,我们还是万幸的。大自然继续为我们的祖国施恩布泽,通过人的努力使这些恩泽成倍繁衍。财富就在我们的门El,可对这些财富的肆意挥霍浪费了大量供应品。
从根本上讲,掌管商品交换的人顽固不化、平庸无能,连他们自己也承认失败,被迫下台。丧尽天良的货币投机商的行为,在公众舆论的法庭上接受审判,受到人类良心和理智的抨击。
不错,他们也曾努力,但是他们的努力一直局限于陈规旧俗上。面对信贷危机,他们所做的只是提供更多的贷款,可他们的利率也失去了吸引力,人民不再听从他们的虚伪领导,于是,他们不得不可怜兮兮地劝说,含泪哀求人们恢复信心。他们只知道自私自利的一代人的准则,他们没有远见,人民跟着这些鼠目寸光的人只有遭殃。(掌声)
是的,货币投机商从我们文明殿堂的宝座上溜走了,我们现在可以在古老真理的指导下修缮殿堂。(掌声)我们要用社会价值,而不是用纯粹的金钱利益来衡量殿堂的修缮程度。
幸福不是来自金钱,而是来自成功的喜悦和创造性的、、努力。在疯狂追逐转瞬即逝的利益时,千万不要忘记劳动带来的愉悦和精神享受。如果我们汲取了这些困苦的日子带给我们的深刻教训,那我们也值得付出那些高昂的代价。朋友们,这些教训是:我们为官的宗旨不是欺压黎民百姓、被人民侍奉,而是侍奉我们的人民、甘当人民的公仆。(掌声)
我们只有认识到把物质财富作为衡量成功的标准是错误的,才能避免在高官厚禄的错误思想指导下去担任公职或高级政治职务。所以,在金融行业和贸易行为中,必须杜绝利用神圣的职责欺诈顾客和自私自利的不道德行为。(掌声)人们的信心在泯灭,这不足为怪,因为信心来自诚信、荣誉、神圣的责任、忠实的贸易保护和无私的行为,没有这些,信心就会荡然无存。
要想复兴经济,仅仅靠改变我们的不良道德规范是不够的,我们必须行动起来,而且现在就要行动!(掌声)
我们的重中之重就是给人民工作。(掌声)只要我们明智、果敢地做这项工作,这个问题就可迎刃而解。政府直接雇佣员工,就可以解决部分就业问题,就像在战时紧急状态下那样雇工。与此同时,安排政府雇员去完成急需工程,以促进我们对丰富的自然资源的利用,并对这些资源重新配置。
我们还必须坦率地承认,工业中心人口严重过剩,我们应该在全国范围内重新调整人口布局,尽最大努力把土地提供给最善于使用土地的人,使土地得到更好的利用。(掌声)
为了实现这一战略,我们要采取具体措施提高农产品价格,从而提高城市产品的购买力。要从实际情况出发,设法阻止由于取消对小房产和农场抵押赎回权所造成的H趋严重的惨痛损失。联邦、各州和地方政府要立即行动起来,按要求大幅削减政府开支。(掌声)要把目前那些分散、浪费和不公平的救济工作统一管理起来。把一切形式的交通运输、通讯以及其他明确具有公共事业性质的设施置于国家计划和监督之下。总之,有很多方法有助于这项战略的实现,但只说不做无济于事。(掌声)我们必须行动,我们必,须立即行动!
最后,在恢复国家信心的进程中,为了防止邪恶的旧秩序重新抬头,我们需要两项保护措施:必须严格监控一切金融行为、信贷和投资,(掌声)杜绝把他人存款用于投机活动;(掌声)必须提供充足而数量合理的货币。(掌声)
朋友们,这些就是我们的行动路线。为了执行这些路线,我要求新一届国会马上召开特别会议,提出具体实施方案;我还要求48个州①提供紧急援助。(掌声)
①当时美国有48个州,阿拉斯加州和夏威夷州分别于1959年1月3日和1959 g-8月21日加入联邦。
罗斯福总统和孙女
这一行动纲领能让我们致力于整顿国内秩序,平衡财政预算。国际贸易固然也很重要,但就紧迫性和急需性而言,它要服从于建立健康的国家经济。(掌声)我主张做事要有轻重缓急,要优先做紧迫的事情。我将不遗余力地通过国际经济的调整来恢复国际贸易,但我们不能等到国际贸易恢复后再来处理国内的紧迫事务。
为国家复兴采取的这些做法,其指导思想不是狭隘的民族主义。必须强调,要优先考虑美利坚合众国全国和局部相互依赖的不同因素,这是美国拓荒精神所表现出来的亘古不变的真理。这就是复兴之路,而且是条捷径。这就是让复兴得以持久的强有力的保障。
关于世界政策,我要致力于让美国奉行睦邻友好的对外政策:尊重自己,也要尊重其他国家的权利;尊重自己的义务,也要尊重与邻国和世界各国的协议所规定的神圣义务。(掌声)
如果我能正确理解我国人民心情的话,我们现在意识到了过去从未意识到的问题:我们互相依赖,唇齿相依;我们不能只图索取,不求奉献;我filed果要继续前进,就必须像一支训练有素、忠贞不渝的军队那样,时刻准备着为共同的纪律做出牺牲,因为没有这样的纪律就不可能取得进步,就不可能实现卓有成效的领导。
我们愿意随时为这种纪律献出生命和财产,只有这样,才能实现为更广大的利益而奋斗的领导。我们就要展现出这样的领导,保证让这些更远大的目标与我们的命运紧密相连,成为我们神圣的义务,激发我们迄今为止只有战时才有的共同责任感。有了这项保证,我将毫不踌躇地领导这支由人民组成的伟大军队,以严明的纪律战胜我们共同面临的一个又一个困难。
我们有从祖先那里继承下来的政府形式,我们将战无不胜。我们的宪法简明、高效,在不失其本质精神的前提下,为了满足特殊紧急需求,它可以在重点和安排上有所改变。正因为如此,我们的宪政自身证明,它是现代世界最稳定、最持久的政治结构。它经受了领土扩张、对外战争、痛苦的内战和复杂的国际关系的考验。但愿行政权和立法权的正常平衡完全能够应对我们所面临的史无前例的重任。然而,一项空前的需求和紧急行动也可能需要这种公共程序的平衡暂时有所偏离。
美国在灾难深重的世界上饱受创伤,她要求我根据宪法赋予我的职责提出一些必要措施。我将在宪法所允许的权限内尽快实施这些措施,或者实施国会根据其经验和智慧制定的其他类似措施。
但是,假如国会不肯接受这两种行动方式中的任何一种,假如国家形势仍然严峻,我绝不放弃宪法赋予我的义不容辞的责任,我会要求国会采取应对危机的最后手段——授予我向紧急状态开战所需要的广泛行政权,就是假如我们遭受外来之敌入侵时授予我的那些权力。(掌声)
对于同胞们给予我的信任,我将以符合时代的勇气和奉献作为回报。我绝不辜负人民的厚望。
只要全国人民同心同德、万众一心,只要我们捍卫宝贵的传统道德价值,只要全国男女老少都有恪尽职守的精神,我们定能度过严峻的日子。我们的目标就是保证让全国人民永远过上幸福、美满的生活。
我们坚信优秀的民主制度的未来。合众国人民没有失败。他们在患难时提出了自己的要求,他们需要直接、有力的行动,他们需要严明的纪律和领导指明正确的方向。他们把希望寄托在我身上,我把它作为礼物收下了。
值此需要全国人民奉献之际,我们谦卑地恳请上帝的保佑。愿上帝保佑我们每个人。愿上帝在未来的日子里给我指引。(掌声)